The Effects of Long Term Tumour Diagnosis and the Disease of Cancer Essay

The Effects of Long Term Tumour Diagnosis and the Disease of Cancer - Essay Example I've found that not only does this disease place a strain on the patient but on those managing the patients care as well, myself included. That is why it is imperative to have managing goals obvious in the treatment regimen so that there is always an avid awareness of what the next step of treatment is going to be. This is a positive reinforcement not only for the patient, but for my role as the assisting nurse as well, along with the other medical professionals caring for him or her. Through my years of experience I've learned that breast cancer is one of the leading causes of death for women who develop a form of this disease. The treatments are varied depending upon the individuals own diagnosis and symptoms. Furthermore, medical professionals, especially nurses like me can have a difficult time managing the care regimen of women with breast cancer simply due to the fact that many women's perceptions of their risks and management of the disease are highly varied (McDonald 2002, p.183). Also, being faced with a diagnosis such as breast cancer is scary and an individual develops high anxiety and many fears. This is where the medical staff such as nurses and other medical professionals should provide counselling and understanding to ensure that the management of the disease does not interfere with the patients' mental health, which can be very difficult to do (Aldridge-Clanton 1998, p. 109). I've ran into this problem innumerable amounts of time, especially in re gards to how they feel about their bodies and what they are afraid their life will be like following the treatment process. Many patients state that just deciding on what treatment to choose can promote fear and worry in their minds. Also physicians can complicate the problem if they don't manage the care effectively. Therefore there can not be instances such as conflicting opinions among physicians because it only complicates the treatment for the patient (Aldridge-Clanton 1998, p.110). Furthermore, another issue that can concrete upon the problems is the idea women have about breast cancer and being diagnosed with it. Much of this is due to the fact of the idea that women have of breast cancer, of it basically being a hereditary form of cancer and those who do not have a family history of it don't tend to feel screening and other routine testing is much of a necessity. Therefore, I've found that I need to provide affirmation to many of the patients that anyone is susceptible to developing breast cancer, even those without a hereditary history. Sometimes this can be hard to do in gaining my patients understanding. Therefore, many patients false assumptions can lead to a variety of problems as medical history can attest too. Although 20% of women can have a family history of breast cancer only 5% to 10% are actually caused by the hereditary gene. Therefore it is imperative for nurses (such as myself) and medical care providers to stress the importance of mandatory sc reening and check-up's for breast cancer among all age groups and ethnicities

Uk and Eu have created a legal and regulatory system that encourages Essay

Uk and Eu have created a legal and regulatory system that encourages the adoption and growth of e-commerce - Essay Example 41). This piece of research paper addresses the regulatory activities of UK and EU in last 15 years to encourage the adoption and growth of E-Commerce and how it has provided a framework to protect the rights of consumers. An Overview of EU’s E-Commerce Directive In 2000, European Union has first adopted regulations to foster E-commerce throughout the regions of EU (Plotkin, Wells and Wimmer, 2003, p. 14-60) and in 2002 it also has set certain rules and regulations in order to provide consumers within the EU with more comforts in buying of goods or services from online. One of the very fundamental objective of this regulation was to ensure that customers’ rights are protected. These rules and regulations have clearly defined how the protection can be applied. The protection applied only to those consumers who visited a commercial website setting specific directions regarding how a business should operate its website and virtual business environment (Sparrow 2009, p. 41) . According to EU regulations, every company that operates a virtual website must adhere strictly to the rules and regulations if the business offers good or services to its customers online. When a business fails to strictly comply with these regulations, the business will be legally liable and will be prosecuted accordingly. EU’s regulations about E-Commerce has been considered to be a cornerstone in electronic marketplace. These regulations, often termed as E-Commerce Directive or Distance Selling Directive, were established in 2000 to foster the expansion of E-Commerce by developing a ‘country of origin’ rule that promoted free movement of E-Commerce within the EU member countries. The regulations have defined the limit of how extent one member state may regulate electronic commercial activity entering its boarders from another member state (Plotkin, Wells and Wimmer, 2003, p. 14-60). Sparrow (2009, p. 41) stressed that the E-Commerce directive developed by E U was to encourage greater use of E-Commerce by removing the barriers throughout the Europe and to enhance consumers’ confidence by making them and businesses aware of their rights and obligations to each others when dealing through online. The regulations were more likely to promote a single market in Europe by developing movement of ‘information society services’ across the European economic area. EU directive as British Law Internet Magazine in 2002 reported that the E-Commerce regulations implemented by EU has also been adopted by UK and considered as its Law. When it has been considered as part of English law, the wide-ranging legislation particularly affected ISPs and how the businesses would be held if they dealt with illegal content on the websites. When UK has adopted the EU directive, the major intentions were to boost confidence in e-commerce. According to UK’s regulations, those businesses that failed to adhere to the regulations have been subj ect to a ‘stop now’ order by which these businesses were forced to change their online-procedures or business practices. EU Directive promoted growth of E-Commerce Computer Weekly in 2003 reported that European Union’s E-Commerce Directive has already increased the take-up of online services and proved highly

Sterling 1973 Article Summary Essay Example for Free

Sterling 1973 Article Summary Essay During the opening of the article the author Robert Sterling declares the purpose of discussing the inconsistencies between research accounting, educational accounting, and professional practicing accounting. The reason being for these differences between the major arenas of accounting is the isolation of research results from both practice and education. However, the absence of conflicts between education and practice is due to the harmony between educators preparing students to operate for the practitioners or employers. The author continues by discussing historical publications about the problems with valuation especially in the subject of valuation of marketable securities. Sterling believes that on good grounds marketable securities ought to be valued at market. He observes the disconnect between the education system and the valuation of marketable securities pointing out the main educational accounting theory derives from the intermediate course texts, which raise the question of valuing marketable securities, however does not present the results of research contradicted in education and practice. This as an example to illustrate the larger point that the accounting profession wrongly passes down principles as a tradition not based on best practice, therefore teach research results. The suggestions being teach research results as the desired state, and teach accepted practices as the current state. Questions regarding this article are the following: Do you believe research results need to be incorporated into today’s accounting education? How should the detriment of management be dealt with to implement research results? How could the three arenas of accounting be best connected (research, education, and practice)?

Canadian Provincial Political Cultures

Canadian Provincial Political Cultures Canadian political culture is multi-layered and diverse. Three great countries have influenced the development of this culture The United States, The Great Britain and France. Thus, when it comes to Canada, it can not be studied in isolation from the rest of North America and Europe. Even though the expansion of North America was just a phase in extending the political and cultural dominance of the European superpowers, nonetheless, it helped to establish a course of economic change in Canada. During the last two hundred years, Canadian political culture has been shaped by five distinct waves of immigration all of which have left their own economic and cultural marks on the entire country (Easterbrook and Aitken, 1988: 3). The formation of Canada economically, culturally and politically is best described by Louise Hartzs â€Å"fragment theory† who argues that colonial societies, those like Canada, originated as fragments of larger European societies and that those societies remained marked during their history by the conditions of their origins. The word â€Å"fragment† implies that those new societies would not be the complete replicas of their parent ones but they would rather consist of the parts of those parent societies represented by those who decided to emigrate (Bellamy, Pammett, Rowat, 1976: 68). Further, the discovery of strategic natural resources in Canada like oil, gas, gold and others, created a dependency theory which is truly unique to the country staples theory of economic growth. Harold Innis, the originator of the theory, argued that the development of Canada consisted of the series of dependencies upon the natural recourses fur, fish, timber, minerals and others, al l of which, in turn, have dominated the economy of the country and were the primary export products at a time (Marchak, 1983: 21). The Maritimes The societies of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island vary in the rates of development significantly. This region could be considered as the most traditional and conservative in Canadian political culture as a whole. The Maritimes are a rare example of how customs, traditions and beliefs are favoured over innovation and change. After the formation of responsible government in the 19th century, there were only marginal changes in practices and procedures of politics (Bellamy, Pammett, Rowat, 1976: 10-11). First settlers were immigrants who came directly from Britain Yorkshire, Ireland and Highland Scotland. The prize of relocating was worthy of a risk, the Maritimes offered something that Europe, settled and overpopulated, could not free land. Politically, Maritimes resembled their American neighbours rather than those back in Britain as the entire region remained under the firm sphere of influence of the New England. Despite that fact, Tory ideology in the region was strong before and after the American Revolution up until the third wave of immigration, when it was influenced greatly by the British liberals the same wave that brought Sir John A. Macdonald to Canada. Civil War in the United States had forced the Maritimes to re-think the idea of Confederation as it offered security and economic stability (Dunn, 2006: 17-18). Nova Scotia is the most advanced of all Atlantic provinces in respect to social, economic and political development. Halifax, Nova Scotias largest urban centre, has a higher rate of industrialization than other areas in the region. When it comes to staffing the bureaucracy there is less usage of patronage and the decisions are made solely on the principle of merit (Bellamy, Pammett, Rowat, 1976: 11). Religion comes as an integral part of the Maritimes political culture. There are four political parties in the PEI Conservative, Liberal, Catholic and Protestant. For years, it has been considered to be a tough task to predict which party would take the upper hand during the elections. One thing was for certain though fixed numbers of Catholics and Protestants would be elected every time regardless of which party would win the election (Dunn, 2006: 18-19). The Maritimes political culture is partially frozen in the 19th century. Today, just like two centuries ago, the government is considered as a negative force in the economy and society something that is not to be trusted. To confirm this, professor S.D. Clark has noted that â€Å"the fisherman of Nova Scotia were simple folk who had little understanding of the complexities of the economic, political and social world around them. Their problems seemed simple enough, made difficult only by the interferences of the government far removed and beyond their reach.† (Bellamy, Pammett, Rowat, 1976: 16). Newfoundland Newfoundland is a province that stands out from all the others. The province suffers from the old scars in its history and competing visions from the previous governments and up until today it tries to find a balance between integration and self-reliance. Rejecting the Confederation at first in 1867, which was a popular decision as home rule was favoured over industrial capitalism, the province accepted it in 1949 (Tomblin, 1995: 67-68). Escaping the bankruptcy in the 1930s, Newfoundland asked for a direct British rule by surrendering its self-governing dominion status gained previously by the Statute of Westminster. Unlike Canada, Newfoundland found itself automatically involved in World War II alongside Britain (Dunn, 2006: 16). Post war era, however, brought political change not only to Europe but to Canada as well. Weakened by the war, Britain was in decline and could no longer support Newfoundland financially, as Valerie Summers noted â€Å"In the post-World War II period of p olitical adjustments and British dollar shortages, the interests of the British government in eliminating the cost of maintenance of Newfoundlands administration led to Newfoundlands movement out of the British domain into Canadian jurisdiction† (Tomblin, 1995: 68). Newfoundland is quite distinct from the other provinces in its economic, social and cultural development. Being isolated from Canada and the rest of North America for many years it was greatly influenced in its traditions by the United Kingdom. Newfoundlanders were oriented toward the non-materialistic values of West Country England and Ireland their parent communities (Bellamy, Pammett, Rowat, 1976: 3-4). For centuries Newfoundlands economy was centered on cod fishing. The provinces population was mostly rural composed of enclaves which were called outports. The majority of outporters lived in a semi-feudal relationship with the fish merchants called the â€Å"truck† system. To put it in a few words, the â€Å"truck† system was a barter system of economic relationship, which has eliminated the concept of money from the outports completely. Since the confederation, the government began the program that encouraged vacation of the outports and moving their inhabitants to bigger cities (Ibid. p.4). Another distinct feature of Newfoundland is its extreme nationalism and cultural duality. While Irish Catholic immigrants flocked to St. Johns and Avalon Peninsula, the English Protestants preferred north of the island and the outports (Dunn, 2006: 15). This has created one of the most serious cleavages in the province split between the Irish and the English population. Newfoundland could be considered as â€Å"rurally fundamental† and only partially secularized society where religion still plays an important role in day-to-day activities. It remains more â€Å"British† than any other province in Canada (Bellamy, Pammett, Rowat, 1976: 7-8). Quebec The settlements in Canadas New France were emerging slowly in the early days of colonization; however, immigrants began to move in higher numbers once the fur trade became one of the most important staples in the region. After the treaty of Utrecht, all French North American lands were transferred under the control of the British. French-speaking population resented such a change thinking that it would threaten their ways of life, their culture and language (Croats, 2002: 18-19). Losing its North American lands, France remained far away in Europe, preoccupied with wars and matters in its remaining colonies Quebec appeared to be cut off from its parent country. The Catholic Church has served as a guardian of Quebecs values at that time and the Catholic clergy were seen as a New Frances societal leaders. Even though the British were officially in charge they guaranteed the continuation of Quebecs culture and traditions in return for loyalty to the Crown (Dunn, 2006: 20). This partnership lasted for many generations up until 1960s, when the rise of unprecedented nationalism in Quebec resulted due to collision of English liberal ideas and conservative views of the French. With receding conservatism and rising liberal ideas in Quebec in 1960s, the province began its quest for national self-determination in a spark of worldwide decolonization. Fair to say, it was rather a chain reaction to events that were happening in a number of former French colonies at a time, particularly in Africa (Ibid. p. 22). The passing of Bill 101 in 1977 by the Quebecs National Assembly has been seen as a sign of relief to the French; The Bill was the first solid document to ensure the permanence of their culture and language. The authors of the Bill sought to make French dominant in the province and to reverse the demographic trends which seemed to be working against them. Such a drastic change has affected the English-speaking population of Quebec negatively; even though there has been much resistance to the new laws by public services, mass media and labour movements the institutional discrimination in Quebec is still present at large (Clift and McLeod Arnopoulos, 1984: 186, 201-2). Quebecs conservatism, liberalism and radicalism have been shaped by its unique nationalist context which, in a way, explains why its links with its English-Canadian counterparts has always been weak and unstable. Culturally descending from the New France, Quebec is simply ideologically different than any other province in Canada (Dunn, 2006: 23). The presence of cultural pluralism is painful for both English and French Canadians in the province, which is exactly why the French community is not likely to take any fundamental steps which would worsen the situation even further (Clift and McLeod Arnopoulos, 1984: 201). Ontario Ontario differs from the other provinces in two major ways. First of all, with the population of almost twelve million people no other province comes close to it in terms of number of residents, diversity and size of its economy, accumulated wealth, its financial, corporate and media power concentrated in provinces large urban centres. Secondly, there are also significant differences in political culture due to Ontarios historical experiences, its economic interests, and evolution of its cultural, social and political institutions (White, 1997: 49). Political culture of such an old and multilayered society as Ontario is far from being a uniform construct. When small Ontario [rural] communities are taken as an example, it is hard to find an ‘Old Ontarian political pattern in perfect coexistence with others more of recent origin due to result of suburbanization, economic change and media influence. There are also distinct regional differences, most strikingly in Northern Ontario, and countless fissures of group rivalries and conflicting economic interests (Ibid, p.51). Ontarios founders were American counter-revolutionists, conservative liberals and Crown loyalists the supporters of strong executive government. Rejecting extreme liberalism, popular in the United States, refusing to separate religion and the state [as it was done in the US], Ontarios fathers wanted a province that would not resemble their southern neighbour in any way. Interestingly enough, it was in fact American liberalism that influenced Ontarios political culture greater than others. Provinces policymaking officials have followed the examples of their American counterparts whether it was concerning education or structure of the government (Dunn, 2006: 22). Ontario, situated intimately close to Quebec, has been more sympathetic to its ambitions than any province located to the West; furthermore, along with Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland, Ontarios legislature recognized Quebecs ‘distinct character in the resolution passed on the day of Quebecs referendum of 1995. Unlike Eastern, Western legislatures were not as eager to continue this trend (White, 1997: 437). . Surprisingly, Ontarians, so diverse and fractioned, have always had a clear appreciation of their common interests and highly developed ability for social cohesion; undeniably complex, Ontarios political culture has been consistently sustained for over two hundred years (Ibid. p.51). The Prairies Just over a century ago the prairies were archaic with little trace of habitation (Francis and Palmer, 1992: 27). It was not until the 1890s when the prairie west realized that capitalism, individualism and private property were the part of the environment, like the river valleys and the plains (Friesen, 1987: 242). With millions of square kilometres of land and millions of inhabitants the west represented enormous economic and political interest to ‘Old Canada. It was planned to create a ‘new investment frontier and all hopes lied on the pioneer-farmer who would relocate to the West and initiate an economic take off. To encourage settlement Canadian government promised to build a transcontinental railway system to unite Canada form coast to coast (Ibid. p.162). Manitoba, the most sensitive to Quebec of all prairies, entered Confederation as a bicultural and bilingual province. Ontario has been the most influential of eastern provinces to affect Manitobas policymaking. Urban socialism and agrarian liberalism outweighed toryism on the new frontier. However, due to the number of Ontarios settlers who moved into province, Manitobas toryism has been considered as on of the strongest in the west. The fourth immigrant wave brought in English labour-socialists and land-hungry Eastern Europeans who avoided the east and headed to relatively empty prairies (Dunn, 2006: 26-27). After the 1940s Manitoba was able to achieve a significant economic diversification. Provincial political life was stable up until 1969s elections when NDP was able to win popular support and overwhelm their Liberal rivals (Friesen, 1987: 219, 221). Saskatchewan is often depicted as a Western Canadian Britain. While majority of English immigrants passed Saskatchewan and headed for bigger cities, the provinces rural farm community grew rapidly it had more farmers than all other prairie provinces combined. These conservatively liberal Britons were mobilized enough to create a strong farmers union of the land Saskatchewans Farmers Union. Similarly to other prairie farmer movements, those of Manitoba and Alberta, it had one idea in mind, which was to create a socialist farm organization based on equity. However, when Farmer-Labour party emerged out of Saskatchewans ILP and united farmers the economic and thus political interest was shifted to cities rather than farms. Since that time socialist became steadily dependant on larger towns rather than rural communities. Two political parties have been competing for power in the recent decades, Saskatchewans social democrats and conservatives (Dunn, 2006: 28-29). Just like Manitoba and Saskatchewan, Alberta was a land of opportunity for new settlers. Since the 1940s Alberta has been considered as Canadas Cinderella. No other place has seen the growth more rapid, the accumulation of wealth so inevitable and the confidence so obvious. The discovery of oil in 1947 was a significant event as the province entered a new phase in its development. One of direct consequences of the oil boom was its impact on provinces population increase Alberta became the most populous in the prairie west (Friesen, 1987: 427). Alberta imitated the politics of the Great Plains state and tied itself closer to the US than any other prairie province. Due to a high volume of immigrants from the south in the early 1900s, there has been a higher number of American-born Albertans than those whose parents descended from Britain. American ideas have also dominated Albertas politics as more and more Americans settled in the provinces rural areas where radical liberalism have been espoused. Great Depression and discrepancies between prairies farmer unions led to the creation of Social Credit which was particularly strong in Alberta. This has further divided Saskatchewan and Alberta ideologically one was pro-socialist and another thought of a socialism as its enemy (Dunn, 2006: 30-31). British Columbia The completion of trans-Canada railway has been a paramount condition of British Columbias entrance into Confederation. It has been a major plan of the federal government to unite both east and west coasts by a key transportation route (Carty, 1996: 33). BCs resource-based economy was highly dependent on transportation and the opening of Panama Canal, in addition to Canadian Pacific railway, have significantly boosted provinces economy. Resembling Australia and its politics, BCs settlements inherited ideology of labour-socialism. The well organised political force was structured around major mining, lumbering and fishing industries of the remote one-industry towns. BCs agriculture has been quite fragmented, isolated and diverse, that is why the creation of United Farmers of BC as a political body has not been perceived seriously (Dunn, 2006: 31-32). Just like in Alberta, the CCF appeared in the 1930s depression years and quickly gained popular support. 1940s were characterized as continuation of cleavage between BCs working and privileged classes. Social Credit took control during the 1950s and like in Alberta was extremely anti-socialist (Ibid. p.32). British Columbia has always been seen as a ‘spoilt child of the Canadian Federation and its relations with the central government has always been called ‘touchy; as Norman Ruff observed in the early 1990s, â€Å"Ottawa-Victoria relations †¦ have long been characterized by misunderstanding and bemusement, by suspicion and anger and, worst of all, by periods of mutual indifference and detachment† (Carty, 1996: 32-33). Conclusion If to compare political culture to a number it would not be constant but rather a variable that changes over a period of time, keeping some attributes and gaining some new ones. Throughout its history, Canada remained uniquely united politically, despite fragmentation, severe regionalism and separatist threats. Canadians today do not think the way their predecessors thought a century ago, as their values and beliefs, though slowly, but changed over time. Canadians became less ‘British, more liberal [in terms of worldview], favouring individualism rather than collectivism, fighting for equality of rights, generally accepting multiculturalism and diversity (Brooks, 2008: 1, 5, 30-31). Works cited Bellamy, David J., Pammett, Jon H., Rowat, Donald Cameron. 1976.The Provincial political systems: comparative essays. Agincourt, Ontario: Methuen Publications Brooks, Stephen. 2008. Canadian Political Culture. Department of Political Science, University of Windsor, November 29, 2009 Carty, Kenneth R. 1996. Politics, policy, and government in British Columbia. Vancouver: UBC Press Clift, Dominique, McLeod Arnopoulos, Sheila. 1984. The English fact in Quebec. Canada: McGill-Queens University Press Croats, Rennay. 2002. Quebec. Calgary: Weigl Education Publishers Ltd., Dunn, Christopher. 2006. Provinces: Canadian Provincial Politics. 2nd ed. Toronto: Higher Education University of Toronto Press Easterbrook, William Thomas, Aitken, Hugh G. J. 1988. Canadian economic history. Toronto: University of Toronto Press Francis, R. Douglas, Palmer, Howard. 1992. The Prairie West: historical readings. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press Friesen, Gerald .1987. The Canadian prairies: a history. Toronto: University of Toronto Press Marchak, M. Patricia. 1983. Green gold: the forest industry in British Columbia. BC, Canada: University of British Columbia Tomblin, Stephen G. 1995. Ottawa and the outer provinces: the challenge of regional integration in Canada. Toronto: James Lorimer Co. Ltd., Publishers White, Graham.1997.The government and politics of Ontario. 5th ed.Toronto: University of Toronto Press

Death: Flowers and Bomb Shells :: essays research papers

Death is something that every person will have to deal with at some point in his or her life. The poems "Dulce et Decorum Est" and "Nothing Gold Can Stay" both deal with the concept of death, but in very different ways. They provide views of what death can be like from opposite ends of the proverbial spectrum. Death can be a very hard thing to experience, and the emotions that it evokes can be difficult to express as well. These two poems both express a feeling of loss through death, but the tones perceived by the reader in each are completely unalike. The setting of "Dulce et Decorum Est" is a battlefield during wartime, and tells of the main characters, the soldiers, fighting for their lives. The author, Wilfred Owen, was a soldier himself, who died in the war, which is one reason that this poem has such a personal tone about it. It relates directly to human experience. The reader cannot help but wonder if Owen experienced the horrors that he recounts in this poem. Owen also uses many personal pronouns, like "you" and "I" repeatedly as if to remind the reader war is a real thing and that they could easily be in the same situation. Line twenty-one reads, "If you could hear, at every jolt" followed by line twenty-five, "My friend, you would not tell with such high zest". The use of the word "you" and even "my friend" makes both of these lines very personal, as if Owen is speaking directly to the reader. "Nothing Gold Can Stay" also has a personal sense to it, but the author of this poem, Robert Frost, does not try to make the same connection with his readers. Allegory is put to use in this poem with the case of nature. Instead of using personal pronouns to draw the reader into the story as Owen does, Frost uses them to personify nature, always referring to it as "her". The opening lines of the poem say, "Nature's first green is gold / Her hardest hue to hold". This is a common occurrence in writing, especially when dealing with nature. By personifying nature as a woman, rather than just an object, the reader is able to connect more with that character. This is because it is easier for humans to relate to another person than it is for them to relate to an object, even if only on paper.

Anti-monopoly laws in Turkey, Greece, and Italy,and Their Enforcement E

Anti-monopoly laws in Turkey, Greece, and Italy,and Their Enforcement A free market economy allows a nation to have open and equal (to an extent) competition while utilizing the resources available in the most effective manner. However, it is not perfect and can lead to some problems such as someone controlling the whole market or, in other words, having a monopoly or monopoly power. Also, there could be cartels, which are when companies will make agreements that ?abandon competition between themselves in order to increase their profit? (?Message of the President? 1). Both of these are dangerous for the economy because they not only harm competition for smaller businesses but also the consumer, who is forced to pay whatever prices the companies agree upon. These dangers for the economy create a need for the national governments to have anti-monopoly laws that ban such practices. However, with the creation of these laws also comes the need for the enforcement of them, and so there are many new government agencies that work to make sure they are enf orced. Some countries and organizations that have these laws and enforcement agencies over competition are Turkey and the European Union, which includes Italy and Greece. Anti-monopoly or antitrust laws, mainly work against an imbalance of competition in a free market economy. In other words, they work against the ?abuse of dominant position? or ?a situation of economic power held by a firm, which allows it to hinder effective competition in the relevant market.? To fight this possibility antitrust laws work to prevent infringements of the laws by businesses. The laws work to rule out anything that restricts competition whether it is cartels, monopolies, or other agreeme... ...ar of being monopolized. Works Cited ?Abuse of Dominant Position.? Rekabet Kurumu.? http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/ehakimdurum.html 12 Dec, 2003. ?Antitrust Reform frequently asked questions.? http://www.europa.eu.int/news/index_en.htm 16 Dec. 2003. ?Law no. 287 of October 10th, 1990.? AGCM HomePage. 13 Oct. 1990. Italy. 8 Jan. 2004 . Path: Legislation; Law no. 287 of October 10th, 1990. ?Message of the President.? Rekabet Kurumu. http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/ebaskanmesaj.html 12 Dec, 2003. ?News Releases.? AGCM HomePage. http://www.agcm.it/eng/index.htm 12 Dec, 2003. ?The Act on the Protection of Competition: No. 4054.? Rekabet Kurumu. http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/word/ekanun.doc 12 Dec, 2003. http://www.europa.eu.int/index_en.htm 16 Dec. 2003 http://www.europa.eu.int/scadplus/leglen/lvb/126005.htm 16 Dec. 2003. Anti-monopoly laws in Turkey, Greece, and Italy,and Their Enforcement E Anti-monopoly laws in Turkey, Greece, and Italy,and Their Enforcement A free market economy allows a nation to have open and equal (to an extent) competition while utilizing the resources available in the most effective manner. However, it is not perfect and can lead to some problems such as someone controlling the whole market or, in other words, having a monopoly or monopoly power. Also, there could be cartels, which are when companies will make agreements that ?abandon competition between themselves in order to increase their profit? (?Message of the President? 1). Both of these are dangerous for the economy because they not only harm competition for smaller businesses but also the consumer, who is forced to pay whatever prices the companies agree upon. These dangers for the economy create a need for the national governments to have anti-monopoly laws that ban such practices. However, with the creation of these laws also comes the need for the enforcement of them, and so there are many new government agencies that work to make sure they are enf orced. Some countries and organizations that have these laws and enforcement agencies over competition are Turkey and the European Union, which includes Italy and Greece. Anti-monopoly or antitrust laws, mainly work against an imbalance of competition in a free market economy. In other words, they work against the ?abuse of dominant position? or ?a situation of economic power held by a firm, which allows it to hinder effective competition in the relevant market.? To fight this possibility antitrust laws work to prevent infringements of the laws by businesses. The laws work to rule out anything that restricts competition whether it is cartels, monopolies, or other agreeme... ...ar of being monopolized. Works Cited ?Abuse of Dominant Position.? Rekabet Kurumu.? http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/ehakimdurum.html 12 Dec, 2003. ?Antitrust Reform frequently asked questions.? http://www.europa.eu.int/news/index_en.htm 16 Dec. 2003. ?Law no. 287 of October 10th, 1990.? AGCM HomePage. 13 Oct. 1990. Italy. 8 Jan. 2004 . Path: Legislation; Law no. 287 of October 10th, 1990. ?Message of the President.? Rekabet Kurumu. http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/ebaskanmesaj.html 12 Dec, 2003. ?News Releases.? AGCM HomePage. http://www.agcm.it/eng/index.htm 12 Dec, 2003. ?The Act on the Protection of Competition: No. 4054.? Rekabet Kurumu. http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/word/ekanun.doc 12 Dec, 2003. http://www.europa.eu.int/index_en.htm 16 Dec. 2003 http://www.europa.eu.int/scadplus/leglen/lvb/126005.htm 16 Dec. 2003. Anti-monopoly laws in Turkey, Greece, and Italy,and Their Enforcement E Anti-monopoly laws in Turkey, Greece, and Italy,and Their Enforcement A free market economy allows a nation to have open and equal (to an extent) competition while utilizing the resources available in the most effective manner. However, it is not perfect and can lead to some problems such as someone controlling the whole market or, in other words, having a monopoly or monopoly power. Also, there could be cartels, which are when companies will make agreements that ?abandon competition between themselves in order to increase their profit? (?Message of the President? 1). Both of these are dangerous for the economy because they not only harm competition for smaller businesses but also the consumer, who is forced to pay whatever prices the companies agree upon. These dangers for the economy create a need for the national governments to have anti-monopoly laws that ban such practices. However, with the creation of these laws also comes the need for the enforcement of them, and so there are many new government agencies that work to make sure they are enf orced. Some countries and organizations that have these laws and enforcement agencies over competition are Turkey and the European Union, which includes Italy and Greece. Anti-monopoly or antitrust laws, mainly work against an imbalance of competition in a free market economy. In other words, they work against the ?abuse of dominant position? or ?a situation of economic power held by a firm, which allows it to hinder effective competition in the relevant market.? To fight this possibility antitrust laws work to prevent infringements of the laws by businesses. The laws work to rule out anything that restricts competition whether it is cartels, monopolies, or other agreeme... ...ar of being monopolized. Works Cited ?Abuse of Dominant Position.? Rekabet Kurumu.? http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/ehakimdurum.html 12 Dec, 2003. ?Antitrust Reform frequently asked questions.? http://www.europa.eu.int/news/index_en.htm 16 Dec. 2003. ?Law no. 287 of October 10th, 1990.? AGCM HomePage. 13 Oct. 1990. Italy. 8 Jan. 2004 . Path: Legislation; Law no. 287 of October 10th, 1990. ?Message of the President.? Rekabet Kurumu. http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/ebaskanmesaj.html 12 Dec, 2003. ?News Releases.? AGCM HomePage. http://www.agcm.it/eng/index.htm 12 Dec, 2003. ?The Act on the Protection of Competition: No. 4054.? Rekabet Kurumu. http://www.rekabet.gov.tr/word/ekanun.doc 12 Dec, 2003. http://www.europa.eu.int/index_en.htm 16 Dec. 2003 http://www.europa.eu.int/scadplus/leglen/lvb/126005.htm 16 Dec. 2003.

Laura Wingfield

Laura Wingfield is, in many ways, the pivotal character of the play.   She is the central figure upon which the thematic nuances of fragility and misconception play out.   In fact, Laura is the character about which all the characters possess some misconception.   On the whole, this misconception revolves around her perceived weakness, a notion everyone adopts and fails to question even in her moments of will.   Hence, her reputation as weak becomes more a taxing factor than any actual weakness of her own. Throughout the play, Laura comes from symbolize the fragility of the glass menagerie, and yet her character reveals itself to be less of the transparent and delicate (at least in terms of breaking), and more of the fibrous and compassionate.   She cries over her brother’s unhappiness, holds fast to her love for Jim, and walked for hours in the cold to avoid typing class in her younger years. Still, however, characters misjudge her.   Amanda, her mother, thinks she can relive her youth vicariously through Laura.   Tom and Jim maintain a notion of her as some exotic bird, or perhaps the glass unicorn she possesses. Perhaps the most striking detail illustrating misconception of her is apparent in her moniker, â€Å"blue roses†.   Infatuated with Jim in high school, she explains a prolonged absence from class as owing to pleurosis.   He mistakes the name of the disease for â€Å"blue roses†, which becomes his nickname for her. Laura has the least lines of the play, only furthering her image as a selfless and isolate character.   She stands in dramatic contrast to the selfishness of the rest of her family, who seem to play out their psychological imperatives almost entirely unconscious of their effect on other people.   The fact that Laura does not participate in the inequities of the other characters, sets her apart.   She remains the play’s most enigmatical figure.